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- <text id=90TT2436>
- <title>
- Sep. 17, 1990: Who's In Charge There?
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Sep. 17, 1990 The Rotting Of The Big Apple
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- THE GULF, Page 33
- Who's in Charge There?
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>Divided chains of command in the gulf may work fine now, but an
- order to attack Iraq could lead to confusion
- </p>
- <p> The commander of all U.S. forces in the gulf, General H.
- Norman Schwarzkopf, firmly denies he has "any disagreement
- whatsoever with any agreement" between the U.S. and Saudi
- Arabia. "Storm-in' Norman," as some of his detractors call him,
- dismisses published reports that he complained to the Pentagon
- about a Saudi request for veto power over future American
- action. He adds, "I participated in the formulation of the
- agreement."
- </p>
- <p> True enough, but the basis for the deployment of nearly
- 100,000 U.S. troops--so far--on Saudi territory is defined
- in a memorandum just three pages long. Not only is the document
- "extremely general," according to those who have read it, but
- it is being kept secret at the request of the Saudi government.
- Defense Secretary Dick Cheney, who negotiated it in Jidda last
- month, described it as a "sort of" status-of-forces agreement,
- something that usually takes the form of a treaty.
- </p>
- <p> In a Saudi draft, the memo named King Fahd overall
- commander, with Schwarzkopf and the Saudi Defense Minister,
- Prince Sultan, as his deputies. Schwarzkopf objected--as did
- George Bush--and it was rewritten to establish separate,
- parallel commands: U.S. troops in one, Saudi and allied Arab
- forces in the other.
- </p>
- <p> The U.S. could not take command of Saudi forces and was
- unwilling to subordinate American troops to them, so
- Schwarzkopf was given a divided command. At a press conference
- later, Schwarzkopf explained, "This is not NATO, O.K.? There
- is not one supreme commander, and there doesn't need to be."
- Added White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater: "The chain of
- command has been working very well."
- </p>
- <p> The new military relationship with Saudi Arabia has indeed
- gone smoothly so far, but its vagueness is causing some
- uneasiness on Capitol Hill. "There are a number of loose ends
- to be tied up," says Les Aspin, chairman of the House Armed
- Services Committee. Senator Sam Nunn says flatly, "We cannot
- give the Saudis a veto on operations."
- </p>
- <p> Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Claiborne Pell
- has formally asked the Pentagon to send over copies of any
- exchanges of letters or oral agreements with gulf governments.
- That includes not only Saudi Arabia and Kuwait but also
- Bahrain, Qatar, Oman and the United Arab Emirates, all of which
- have agreed to base U.S. warplanes on their soil.
- </p>
- <p> Bush has repeatedly said he ordered American forces to Saudi
- Arabia only to deter Iraqi aggression and, if necessary, repel
- it. For defensive purposes, the military coordination at most
- levels seems workable. Schwarzkopf and the Saudi commander,
- Lieut. General Khalid bin Sultan, meet several times a day, as
- do their main deputies. U.S. ground troops have been assigned
- to a sector along the gulf and south of Kuwait, while 30,000
- Saudi and Islamic troops are deployed west of U.S. positions
- and in the far north, a thin line between the Americans and the
- Iraqi and Kuwaiti borders. U.S., Saudi and British fighter
- planes are monitored day and night by AWACS radar aircraft,
- which feed their information to an air-control station at
- Dhahran. The ground station relays flight instructions to all
- the fighters, which maneuver in assigned patrol sectors.
- </p>
- <p> "On balance, the defensive issues have been pretty well
- worked out," says General George Crist, one of Schwarzkopf's
- predecessors as head of Central Command, which was originally
- set up as the Rapid Deployment Force and which planned
- Operation Desert Shield. Many of the questions about a
- potential attack have not been addressed because Crist contends,
- </p>
- <p>do."
- </p>
- <p> Senior U.S. officials reply that any counterattack on Iraq
- would be mounted almost exclusively by aircraft and missiles.
- U.S. and allied ground forces would be ordered to hold their
- positions--a mission that does not require extensive
- coordination.
- </p>
- <p> Because General Khalid spoke publicly about the need for
- consultations on future action, it was widely assumed that
- Saudi Arabia might be reluctant to contemplate an attack on
- Iraq if sanctions fail. A senior Administration official in
- Washington dismisses that notion. "They urge us almost every
- day to go in and kick Saddam Hussein out," he says. "The truth
- is that there's not much consultation required. Anything we
- need to do, we can do." In a month or so, when the U.S.
- completes its military buildup, Washington will easily gain
- Saudi approval if it intends to mount an attack on Iraq. All
- it would require is a nod from King Fahd to the man who, in
- effect, commands Saudi as well as U.S. troops: President Bush.
- </p>
- <p>By Bruce W. Nelan. Reported by Dan Goodgame and Bruce van
- Voorst/ Washington.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-